In 2024, the fight to defend democracy in Asia is increasingly taking place in the digital world. More and more governments in Asian countries are implementing cutting-edge tactics to carry out digital repression, from censorship and surveillance to using regulations. However, civil society organizations (CSOs) also demonstrate their resilience in fighting for digital rights and pushing back against the symptoms of digital authoritarianism through various strategies.
The State of Digital Democracy in Asia
Digital democracy in Asia faces increasing threats, both through strict regulations that limit freedom of expression, the use of AI technology for disinformation, and the strengthening of digital authoritarianism. With the increasing development of surveillance and information manipulation technologies, the challenges to digital freedom in the region continue to increase.
In Southeast Asia, several countries such as Singapore, Thailand, Vietnam, and Indonesia have experienced leadership transitions that have not improved human rights, especially digital ones[1]. The new regimes continue to suppress freedom of expression through strict regulations for media and digital platforms. Independent media and citizen journalism are also under threat, while pro-regime media continue to thrive. Meanwhile, Myanmar continues to cut off the internet and tighten controls on online expression, which, of course, will erode democratic space[2].
Meanwhile, the 2024 election period in South Asia also presents political and digital challenges, in the crucial elections in Bangladesh, Pakistan and India, as well as Sri Lanka, which is forming a new government, and Bangladesh, which experienced massive student protests that overthrew the government[3]. Social media plays a significant role in the political narrative, with major parties in several countries exploiting misinformation and using AI for campaigning. Digital repression is getting stronger, with internet cuts in Bangladesh, content restrictions in Pakistan and mass blocking of websites in India. The Online Safety Act in Sri Lanka also limits freedom of expression, showing how increasing authoritarianism controls the digital space.
Several political events and technological developments in 2024 also significantly impact digital democracy in Asia. At least, three main aspects reflect this condition:
1. Elections and digital manipulation
The first is the elections and digital manipulation experienced by several countries in the region. This election was marked by disinformation campaigns, propaganda using deepfakes, and various state-sponsored cyber disruptions[4]. In Taiwan, several beauty and fashion influencers allegedly spread false claims about election fraud ahead of the election. These claims reflect an influence campaign originating from China to prevent voting in Taiwan.
In Bangladesh, pro-government bloggers launched a disinformation campaign that portrayed the opposition as a tool of foreign interests, especially the United States. Similar tactics were used in South Korea, where President Yoon Suk-yeol and the People Power Party attacked independent media outlets for spreading “fake news” to undermine criticism ahead of the 2024 legislative elections[5].
Technological advances have also changed the way disinformation is spread. Generative AI has begun to be used to create false political narratives in several Asian countries[6]. However, the real impact of AI-based disinformation on election results is still being debated. Many such campaigns fail to impact due to a lack of user engagement significantly or event the use AI that mostly for troll and not information warfare[7]. However, the challenge for fact-checkers is growing as AI technology continues to advance at a rapid pace.
2. Rising digital authoritarianism
Digital authoritarianism in the region is also expanding. Governments and non-state actors in Southeast Asia restrict rights online. This includes blocking access, putting limits on content, and violations of the right to privacy along with legal and extralegal repercussions for online speech[8]. In addition, internet shutdowns continue to occur and surveillance technology is also used using technology purchased from global companies, making digital activism even more risky.
The election has also prompted governments in several countries to tighten laws related to censorship to control election-related information. For example, the Indonesian government launched a policy to remove illegal content online through cooperation between Bawaslu, Kominfo and the police[9]. Unfortunately, the transparency in the implementation of this policy is questionable because there is the potential for abuse of power to silence criticism of the government.
In India, the government is using the Information and Broadcasting Ministry to control the narrative on social media ahead of the 2024 general elections[10]. The ministry is pressuring platforms like X and Instagram to restrict access to accounts critical of the government and supporting the opposition.
Further concerns are being raised over the growing use of artificial intelligence and mass surveillance technologies to track, monitor and suppress criticism. China, a leader in digital authoritarianism, is increasingly exporting its surveillance model to other countries in Asia, equipping regimes with sophisticated tools to control the narrative[11]. This leads to an erosion of privacy and increased self-censorship among journalists, activists and the public.
3. Failures of social media platforms
Social media platforms remain central to political battles, but their response to state-sponsored manipulation has been inconsistent[12]. Tech companies are also reducing access to data on their platforms, hampering the work of fact-checkers and independent researchers to study the information space. For example, in August 2024, Meta shut down Crowdtangle[13], a key tool that enabled real-time content analysis on Facebook and Instagram. In September 2023, X banned nearly all data scraping on its site[14], cutting off a major data source for researchers.
CSOs’ Struggle Against Digital Repression
Civil society organizations (CSOs) in Asia are on the front lines of increasingly stringent digital repression. In many countries, governments have introduced broad and ambiguous cybersecurity laws, criminalizing online dissent and …
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[1] https://digitalreach.asia/news/analysis/lesson-learned-on-digital-rights-in-southeast-asia-in-2024-and-what-to-expect-in-2025/
[2] https://freedomhouse.org/country/myanmar/freedom-net/2024
[3] https://globalvoices.org/2025/01/02/a-year-of-elections-and-digital-repression-in-south-asia-2024-in-focus/
[4] https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-net/2024/struggle-trust-online#controlling-information-to-tilt-an-election
[5] https://asiatimes.com/2024/10/yoons-silencing-assault-on-s-koreas-free-press/
[6] https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/southeast-asia-faces-ai-influence-on-elections/
[7] https://restofworld.org/2024/exporter-india-deepfake-trolls/
[8] https://www.dw.com/en/is-internet-freedom-slipping-away-in-southeast-asia/a-70625075#:~:text=Countries%20prioritize%20control%20over%20online%20spaces&text=%22There%20is%20little%20good%20news,content%20prohibited%20by%20the%20state.
[9] https://www.komdigi.go.id/berita/siaran-pers/detail/siaran-pers-no-508-hm-kominfo-11-2023-tentang-antisipasi-sebaran-konten-negatif-pemilu-kominfo-bawaslu-polri-perkuat-sinergi
[10] https://indianexpress.com/article/india/minister-ashwini-vaishnaw-stricter-laws-regulate-social-media-ott-platforms-9693484/
[11] https://www.rfa.org/english/china/2025/02/20/china-ai-neuro-quantum-surveillance-security-threat/
[12] https://www.iseas.edu.sg/articles-commentaries/iseas-perspective/2024-51-holding-social-media-companies-accountable-for-enabling-hate-and-disinformation-by-nuurrianti-jalli/
[13] https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2024-08-14/meta-shuts-down-tool-used-for-tracking-online-misinformation
[14] https://techcrunch.com/2023/09/08/x-updates-its-terms-to-ban-crawling-and-scraping/
[15] https://asiacentre.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/Digital-Security-Training-for-High-risk-Users_Needs-Assessment-Report.pdf; https://gijn.org/resource/introduction-investigative-journalism-digital-security/#:~:text=Digital%20security%20may%20seem%20a,with%20colleagues%20and%20media%20partners.
[16] https://engagemedia.org/2024/digital-security-journalists-myanmar/
[17] https://www.computerweekly.com/news/366569276/Dozens-of-surveillance-companies-are-supplying-spyware-to-governments-says-Google
[18] https://www.ifj.org/media-centre/news/detail/category/press-releases/article/asia-pacific-ifj-report-calls-for-greater-fact-checking-support-to-combat-misinformation
[19] Ibid.
[20] https://internetfreedom.in/2024-year-in-review-in-court-we-won-but-persist/
[21] https://digitalreach.asia/the-southeast-asian-coalition-on-tech-accountability/
[22] https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/04/23/vietnam-facebook-pressured-censors-dissent
[23] https://safenet.or.id/2024/09/freedom-or-hate/
[24] https://jods.mitpress.mit.edu/pub/7vxemtm3/release/2
[25] https://www.cryptoaltruism.org/blog/three-ways-web3-can-uplift-grassroots-and-activist-movements
